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Achaean League

Aiton's Encyclopedia (1910)

a Greek federation, B. C. 280-146. The league originated in Achaea, a district of Greece, quite the most northerly in the Peloponnesus. It extended sixty-five miles along the Gulf of Corinth. After the death of Alexander the Grecian cities were bones of contention. It was uncertain for a time whether Greece should be under the control of Syria, of Egypt, or of Macedonia. The latter power won. The Greek cities were held in subjection by tyrants in the interest of Macedon, or they were held openly by garrisons. The Grecian campfires seemed wholly dead, when patriotism flamed up in an unexpected corner and lighted Greek history for a final half century. Hitherto Achaea had played a small part in the affairs of Greece. At this juncture, however, an old Achaean confederacy of cities was revived. The cities of Achaea drove out their tyrants, one after another, and drew together. They formed a constitution and were joined by other cities until the Macedonians had no holdings in the peninsula. Athens was liberated from the Macedonian yoke and became an ally, though not a member, of the league. Argos was set free and joined the federation. With the virtual accession of these cities, Greece was free from Macedonian control as far north as Thermopylae. Sparta stood out because the league was unwilling to accord that city the right of leadership. The Achaean League is mentioned so often as a noted example of early federation, that the main features of the constitution are worthy of examination: 1. The authority was vested in an assembly of citizens. The assembly was not composed of delegates from each city, but of all the citizens who chose to come. It was really a union mass meeting. 2. To prevent the city having the greatest turnout of voters from carrying measures, each city was given one vote. This feature is somewhat akin to the American plan of giving each state two votes in the Senate. 3. The assembly met twice a year for three days at a time. 4. No capital was designated. The assembly met around from place to place. It seemed wise not to centralize in a large city. The same argument has led several American states to designate a small town as a capital. 5. The assembly elected a yearly council of ten, a senate, and a general. The latter might not serve two terms in succession. 6. The cities retained control, each of its local affairs, but turned over to the central government authority to send ambassadors, to make treaties, and declare war. The individual city of the federation gave up all right to negotiate with foreign governments. If Macedon, for instance, sent a messenger to lay a proposal before the citizens of a town, the constitution required that the messenger be referred to the central government. As time went by, the relations between Sparta and the league became strained. Under the leadership of ambitious men, civil war broke out. Sparta won. The leader of the league invited Macedonia to resume a policy of "protection." Roman legions relieved Macedonia of further responsibility. Greece, as a political organization, was not heard from again for many centuries. The Achaean constitution developed two weaknesses. Theoretically, it gave every man a chance to take a personal part in legislation. Practically, only the wealthy and their dependents could afford the time and expense required to attend the meetings. The officers served without pay. Democracies then, as now, did not favor large salaries. The consequence was that, although every voter was eligible to office, only the rich could afford to take office. For these reasons the conduct of the league really fell into the hands of the aristocracy. It is worth noting that the members of the British parliament serve at their own expense. British workingmen protest that they cannot afford representation.

What Has Changed in the Last Century

The narrative Aiton's gave in 1910 — the league revived about 280 BC, the expulsion of Macedonian-backed tyrants, the quarrel with Sparta, and the end at Roman hands in 146 BC — still stands, since it rests on Polybius, who remains the main source and is unlikely to be superseded. What has shifted is confidence about the constitution: the tidy scheme of a mass assembly in which "each city was given one vote" is now treated as a reconstruction rather than a fact, with historians arguing over how the regular synodos differed from the extraordinary synkletos and whether voting really went by city rather than by head. The one detail that dated almost immediately is the closing aside: British MPs began drawing a salary of £400 a year in 1911, the year after this account appeared. The league's reputation as a model of federal government, which is why Aiton's dwells on its constitution at all, owes much to its use by the framers of the American constitution and their critics.

Written for this edition, 2026.